After a 12-day fast in the heart of New Delhi, Kisan Baburao Hazare – popularly known as “Anna” or “elder brother” in the language of his native Maharashtra state – forced the government of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to succumb. Worried, if not unnerved, by growing support for Hazare’s protest against corruption in public life and by the crowds he was gathering in the capital as well as in other cities, the Indian government agreed to strengthen a proposed anti-corruption law to create a new watchdog authority.
Beyond point-scoring
The Lokpal or ombudsman bill already introduced in Parliament and sent for discussion by a parliamentary committee would now also consider three amendments proposed by Hazare and his team of civil-society activists, organized under the banner “India against Corruption.” By itself, this is some achievement. Amendments proposed by outsiders after legislation has been introduced in Parliament have hitherto never been discussed by parliamentary committees. The glow of Hazare’s success may, however, be short-lived as his youthful supporters discover his statist views may not be as conducive to their career ambitions as much as corruption was an obstacle.
What did the youth quotient in the crowds represent?
First, they were emblematic of the growing popular impatience with a series of high-profile public scandals in India. The biggest of these was the controversial sale of telecom licences to ineligible companies by a minister now in prison. Close behind were allegations of sweetheart deals and extensive overspending in contracts for the New Delhi Commonwealth Games of 2010.
Second, they pointed to the political challenges of India’s youth bulge. Of India’s billion-strong population, those in the 15-34 age category numbered 350 million at the turn of the millennium. The cohort size is expected to peak at 485 million, out of a total population of 1.5 billion, in 2030. Sometimes called India’s demographic dividend, this phenomenon also represents a political risk. To the government – to any government – it means a constituency that will be very hard to please.
After a near-decade of high growth, India’s GDP is beginning to expand less slowly. In the past year, foreign direct investment has also fallen and in fact been significantly overtaken by export of capital by Indian companies investing abroad. This has been attributed to policy and regulatory bottlenecks and the Congress’ tepid commitment to economic reform.
Under its president, Sonia Gandhi, and her son, Rahul Gandhi – Congress general secretary and possible future prime minister – the Congress has focused on welfare schemes. Among these has been a national rural unemployment dole programme that has actually served to push up wages in agriculture and industry. Analysts worry insufficient attention has been spent on keeping the growth engine chugging, opening up more sectors of the economy, cutting government expenditures and urgently filling India’s infrastructure gaps – or creating jobs.
Today, petty corruption has disappeared from the telecom industry. Indians don’t need to bribe landline technicians or clerks at their mobile service provider’s office. Private-sector entry and keen competition have eliminated waiting lists. Whereas an earlier generation had to wait 20 years – again, an example from this writer’s own family – for a telephone to arrive, today phone connections chase consumers rather than the other way round.
Of course, as the ease of connectivity has grown, so has the market and quantum of revenue. This has made getting into the telecom business attractive, and licences and spectrum much sought after. The supply-demand asymmetry has moved to another level. Politicians such as A. Raja, the jailed former telecom minister, exploited this, allegedly converting issuing licenses for telecom companies into a means of private income.
As it happens, Hazare and his comrades prefer to see only the second part of the story, the graft that has followed expansion of telecom services. No doubt, the restive young Indians on the streets of New Delhi see the glass half full – and want it topped up double-quick. They know what neither Hazare nor the Congress’ 21st century socialists are willing to acknowledge: that the real and lasting antidote to India’s corruption is economic expansion.
india and indian peoples are not sleeping now